Laudatio

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

In August this year the 23rd World Congress of Philosophy was held in Athens. One of the aims of the conference was to discuss the role and responsibilities of philosophers today. Around 3000 philosophers from all over the world came to Athens for this conference. This led a Greek left-liberal daily newspaper to complain that philosophers are too silent in times of crisis:

(quote) “That’s the most convincing proof of the academic entrenchment of philosophy and the distortion it is subjected to in a system that serves the interests of pragmatism, utilitarianism and ultimately cynicism. … After adjusting for so long to the needs of a lucrative model of research and teaching, philosophy has morphed into an autistic, self-serving discipline. It’s no coincidence that the social stereotype of the philosopher is that of someone who lives in his own world. More a drop-out than a militant intellectual who asks questions in the name of society and stands up to the powers that be.” (05/08/2013) (end of quote)

Perhaps the newspaper journalist had not examined the list of participants carefully enough, for there was at least one, senior German participant who – as the journalists ought to know – was for 100% the opposite of the stereotype of the philosopher who “only lives in his own world.” Speaking to a packed lecture hall at the University of Athens, Jürgen Habermas analysed the European crisis from the perspective of the lack of political solidarity. He argued that instead of expanding democracy and changing how it operated, the EU was more and more becoming a technocracy in which member states participated without involvement from their respective citizens. Criticising the German government, Habermas said that under its guidance, the EU has prioritised the fiscal balance of each member state over anything else in its attempt at resolving the crisis. In Habermas’ view, political solidarity is required to resolve the crisis. He criticises the powerful EU members for short term and opportunistic thinking, for shirking their responsibilities and not explaining to their citizens that without this solidarity, we are going nowhere, and development in the eurozone will be weakened further.

Ladies and gentlemen, the views which Jürgen Habermas has repeatedly put forth with such strength and conviction, are rooted in a long life of dedication to the study of the public sphere.  Major works such as Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit in which he defends the view that democracy is a conditio sine qua non for true progress, and Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns have established his authority as one of the great thinkers of our time. Habermas has built up an enormous oeuvre of books and other writings. His work is critical, un-dogmatic and surpasses the usual boundaries of established specialisms. It cuts across a vast area – ethics, science philosophy, language philosophy, political theory, sociology, social philosophy and cultural theory. Besides this, from the 1950s onward he has tirelessly engaged in debates on urgent political issues, such as nuclear armament, the German division, terrorism, the war in Irak and, more recently, the issue of European integration. His interventions were characterised by a high degree of autonomy, a position that often earned him critiques from different sides of the political spectrum. This autonomous and critical stance in the current political debate is a direct consequence of his academic work. If there is one binding motif in all of his activities, it is his endeavour to attain mutual understanding in a reasonable and open dialogue. The connecting thread running through Habermas’ writings is the public use of reason: from the public sphere through communicative action and rationality, to discourse ethics and then, finally, to deliberative democracy. Basically, truth should prevail over power; communication should be based on the equality of participants, in all fields: politics, science, and ethics. These are the basic ingredients of Habermas’ reasoning and key to his perseverance, his engagement and belief in a rational route to emancipation and enlightenment.

The Praemium Erasmianum Foundation has chosen ‘the Future of Democracy’ as the theme for the Erasmus Prize of 2013. To many, the idea of representative, parliamentary democracy is a very attractive model of governance. But democracy is not to be taken for granted. The idea has been embraced by regions and countries that have freed themselves from dictatorship, as in Eastern Europe and South America. Other regions, such as China and Singapore have instead taken economic and social achievements as the basis of organizing society. But also outside these regions, the democratic model is faced with problems of practical feasibility and credibility. Can parliamentary democracy, a model developed on national basis, with its slow procedures of decision making, face up to international challenges such as climate change, financial crises and new communication technologies?  Other challenges are perceived in continuing liberalisation of the global trade. The power of the market: can it be checked by national governments, while staying within the boundaries of the normative, democratic constitutional state?  European integration is another case in point. On the one hand ‘Europe’ is a guarantee for safety, and protects the fundamental rights of the citizen, preventing the system from lapsing back into a dictatorship. On the other hand ‘Europe’ is criticised from the perspective of representative democracy for lack of transparency and a democratic deficit. This is all the more pressing because more and more powers are transferred to supra-national institutions of the EU. Even outspoken proponents of a more centralised European system of governance are facing a problem as long as there is the prevailing suspicion that further European integration interferes with the national democracies. The question is how a useful European integration can be matched by a strengthening of democratic values that in the past always have been associated with the nation state.

Ladies and gentlemen, in the person of professor Jürgen Habermas our Foundation has found a laureate who in writing and in practice embodies this thematic of the Future of Democracy. For more than half a century, Jürgen Habermas has reflected on social-political events in the world. He has witnessed the foundation of the European Union and has been committed to the European project ever since. He believes in a democratic Europe and in his writings presents well-considered perspectives on the future of Europe. Central in his thinking is democracy and the commitment of the people. Habermas makes sharp analyses of globalisation processes and the consequences of liberalisation, while pointing to the problem of democratic control. He is concerned about a possible loss of democratic values in a situation of globalised financial markets but he keeps believing in the debate, in ratio as the source of politics and in the equality of man. He is sharp and critical in his analysis of the political stage and of where things go wrong. At the same time he is optimistic in his expectations, because he hopes for a ‘Wende’ in a rational direction, based on the debate between equals. On the one hand he gives a positive interpretation of the origin of the European Union, the legal discourse between states, and that between states and the European Union. On the other hand he warns for the rise of a technocracy, that breaks away from democratic control if political union should not be achieved. He criticises the political elites for their short-term thinking and their failure to create a broad democratic support for Europe. Yet he regards further political integration of Europe as desirable and inevitable. Habermas is often cited and his publications continue to attract great interest. Leading politicians quote his views with approval. Habermas’ work spans more than five decades and, for the moment, it shows no sign of abating. With good reason he can be called the philosophical conscience of democratic Germany, and as an engaged public intellectual he is also heard and appreciated in the rest of the world. Habermas is the perfect example of a public intellectual, an engaging thinker who stimulates further reflection on topics such as human dialogue, democracy and human dignity. His humanistic views and commitment to the future of Europe make him an example par excellence of the Erasmian values the Foundation holds so dear. On behalf of our Foundation I wish to congratulate you with the Erasmus Prize.

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,

In August this year the 23rd World Congress of Philosophy was held in Athens. One of the aims of the conference was to discuss the role and responsibilities of philosophers today. Around 3000 philosophers from all over the world came to Athens for this conference. This led a Greek left-liberal daily newspaper to complain that philosophers are too silent in times of crisis:

(quote) “That’s the most convincing proof of the academic entrenchment of philosophy and the distortion it is subjected to in a system that serves the interests of pragmatism, utilitarianism and ultimately cynicism. … After adjusting for so long to the needs of a lucrative model of research and teaching, philosophy has morphed into an autistic, self-serving discipline. It’s no coincidence that the social stereotype of the philosopher is that of someone who lives in his own world. More a drop-out than a militant intellectual who asks questions in the name of society and stands up to the powers that be.” (05/08/2013) (end of quote)

Perhaps the newspaper journalist had not examined the list of participants carefully enough, for there was at least one, senior German participant who – as the journalists ought to know – was for 100% the opposite of the stereotype of the philosopher who “only lives in his own world.” Speaking to a packed lecture hall at the University of Athens, Jürgen Habermas analysed the European crisis from the perspective of the lack of political solidarity. He argued that instead of expanding democracy and changing how it operated, the EU was more and more becoming a technocracy in which member states participated without involvement from their respective citizens. Criticising the German government, Habermas said that under its guidance, the EU has prioritised the fiscal balance of each member state over anything else in its attempt at resolving the crisis. In Habermas’ view, political solidarity is required to resolve the crisis. He criticises the powerful EU members for short term and opportunistic thinking, for shirking their responsibilities and not explaining to their citizens that without this solidarity, we are going nowhere, and development in the eurozone will be weakened further.

Ladies and gentlemen, the views which Jürgen Habermas has repeatedly put forth with such strength and conviction, are rooted in a long life of dedication to the study of the public sphere.  Major works such as Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit in which he defends the view that democracy is a conditio sine qua non for true progress, and Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns have established his authority as one of the great thinkers of our time. Habermas has built up an enormous oeuvre of books and other writings. His work is critical, un-dogmatic and surpasses the usual boundaries of established specialisms. It cuts across a vast area – ethics, science philosophy, language philosophy, political theory, sociology, social philosophy and cultural theory. Besides this, from the 1950s onward he has tirelessly engaged in debates on urgent political issues, such as nuclear armament, the German division, terrorism, the war in Irak and, more recently, the issue of European integration. His interventions were characterised by a high degree of autonomy, a position that often earned him critiques from different sides of the political spectrum. This autonomous and critical stance in the current political debate is a direct consequence of his academic work. If there is one binding motif in all of his activities, it is his endeavour to attain mutual understanding in a reasonable and open dialogue. The connecting thread running through Habermas’ writings is the public use of reason: from the public sphere through communicative action and rationality, to discourse ethics and then, finally, to deliberative democracy. Basically, truth should prevail over power; communication should be based on the equality of participants, in all fields: politics, science, and ethics. These are the basic ingredients of Habermas’ reasoning and key to his perseverance, his engagement and belief in a rational route to emancipation and enlightenment.

The Praemium Erasmianum Foundation has chosen ‘the Future of Democracy’ as the theme for the Erasmus Prize of 2013. To many, the idea of representative, parliamentary democracy is a very attractive model of governance. But democracy is not to be taken for granted. The idea has been embraced by regions and countries that have freed themselves from dictatorship, as in Eastern Europe and South America. Other regions, such as China and Singapore have instead taken economic and social achievements as the basis of organizing society. But also outside these regions, the democratic model is faced with problems of practical feasibility and credibility. Can parliamentary democracy, a model developed on national basis, with its slow procedures of decision making, face up to international challenges such as climate change, financial crises and new communication technologies?  Other challenges are perceived in continuing liberalisation of the global trade. The power of the market: can it be checked by national governments, while staying within the boundaries of the normative, democratic constitutional state?  European integration is another case in point. On the one hand ‘Europe’ is a guarantee for safety, and protects the fundamental rights of the citizen, preventing the system from lapsing back into a dictatorship. On the other hand ‘Europe’ is criticised from the perspective of representative democracy for lack of transparency and a democratic deficit. This is all the more pressing because more and more powers are transferred to supra-national institutions of the EU. Even outspoken proponents of a more centralised European system of governance are facing a problem as long as there is the prevailing suspicion that further European integration interferes with the national democracies. The question is how a useful European integration can be matched by a strengthening of democratic values that in the past always have been associated with the nation state.

Ladies and gentlemen, in the person of professor Jürgen Habermas our Foundation has found a laureate who in writing and in practice embodies this thematic of the Future of Democracy. For more than half a century, Jürgen Habermas has reflected on social-political events in the world. He has witnessed the foundation of the European Union and has been committed to the European project ever since. He believes in a democratic Europe and in his writings presents well-considered perspectives on the future of Europe. Central in his thinking is democracy and the commitment of the people. Habermas makes sharp analyses of globalisation processes and the consequences of liberalisation, while pointing to the problem of democratic control. He is concerned about a possible loss of democratic values in a situation of globalised financial markets but he keeps believing in the debate, in ratio as the source of politics and in the equality of man. He is sharp and critical in his analysis of the political stage and of where things go wrong. At the same time he is optimistic in his expectations, because he hopes for a ‘Wende’ in a rational direction, based on the debate between equals. On the one hand he gives a positive interpretation of the origin of the European Union, the legal discourse between states, and that between states and the European Union. On the other hand he warns for the rise of a technocracy, that breaks away from democratic control if political union should not be achieved. He criticises the political elites for their short-term thinking and their failure to create a broad democratic support for Europe. Yet he regards further political integration of Europe as desirable and inevitable. Habermas is often cited and his publications continue to attract great interest. Leading politicians quote his views with approval. Habermas’ work spans more than five decades and, for the moment, it shows no sign of abating. With good reason he can be called the philosophical conscience of democratic Germany, and as an engaged public intellectual he is also heard and appreciated in the rest of the world. Habermas is the perfect example of a public intellectual, an engaging thinker who stimulates further reflection on topics such as human dialogue, democracy and human dignity. His humanistic views and commitment to the future of Europe make him an example par excellence of the Erasmian values the Foundation holds so dear. On behalf of our Foundation I wish to congratulate you with the Erasmus Prize.

(Presented by Maria Grever, member of the Board of the Praemium Erasmianum Foundation)